Crime quiz

Hailee Rincon, 516 words

Hailee Rincon

516 Words

Crime

The first article I read in regards to crime was titled, "The enduring racial divide in death penalty support." In this article talked about the differences in the way Whites vs Blacks viewed capital punishment, the death penalty. Stating that Whites favor and support the death penalty way more than Blacks do. However, Blacks that do support it have similar characteristics to Whites; such as being married and having a high income rather than being single and having a low income. For the rest of the Blacks, being minorities, it talks about how they do not trust and are unhappy with the criminal justice system and this is why they do not support the death penalty. Thus, the study done in this article looked at things such as economic statuses, political parties, and subcultural differences between Whites and Blacks but found that those were not the primary reasons for the gap in whether or not they supported the death penalty. It was because of things such as belief in racial inequality and discrimination, experiences with the criminal justice system, and fear of crime and victimization experience. This is because of the fact that Blacks are familiar with being discriminated against and are more than often the victims of crime and therefore rely on the system to protect them. Whereas Whites are not. In fact, they support the death penalty because of being afraid of violence at the hands of Blacks. Overall, the gap is based off of their social and cultural influences/differences.

The other article I read in regards to crime was titled, "Perceived Racial and Ethnic Composition of Neighborhood and Perceived Risk of Crime." This article talked about how the neighborhoods in which Whites, Blacks, and Hispanics live shape their perceptions about crime. Also, discussing how Whites are threatened by Blacks and Hispanics just because of their race; when they feel outnumbered by them. Their study was done in different parts of Florida where this seems to be a real issue. It was found that whether or not they felt safe in their neighborhood was based off of who they lived around, or at least thought they lived around. When asked to give the percentage of Blacks living in the neighborhood, Whites tended to overestimate. Thus, minorities being or the thought of being present in their neighborhood perceived threat of crime.  However, in a certain part of Florida it was said that the perceived risk of crime was based off of if Hispanics lived nearby or not. Besides race, some other reasons for people not feeling safe in their neighborhood could be because of things such as age, gender, and household income. For example, females are said to have higher perceived fear especially when asked if they would walk alone at night in their neighborhood. When looking at the charts in the article you could also conclude that having victim experiences will also shape your fear, however it was only shown that way for Whites. Overall, the threat is really based off of perception and could very well be discrimination.

Soc111 - Resending Crime Quiz

Choua Yang

537 Words

 

Crime Quiz

 

Article 1: "The enduring racial divide in death penalty support" (315 words)

 

Data from the GSS and from a jury pool were used to try to explain why the black and white gap in death penalty support persists over time. Eleven factors (variables) were introduced as explanations for this divide. Among them are socioeconomic status (income, occupation, education), subculture, political ideology, religious orientation, views on right-to-life, social welfare, prejudice/discrimination/racial inequality, experiences with the criminal justice system, fear of crime and victimization experience, punitiveness, and attribution styles.

The GSS data provided trend information from 1972 to 1996. The cumulative data reveals that 72.4% of whites support the death penalty compared to 43.9% of blacks with a statistical significance of p<.0001. Although both white and black support for the death penalty has generally increased over time, the enduring gap still exists (parallel trend between the two). This increasing pattern of support suggests that both whites and blacks respond equally to the same social influences. However, the long-standing gap cannot be explained simply from the data because race remained significant regardless of the introduction of the controls for all eleven mentioned explanations.

The survey of a jury pool conducted in Florida in 1999 and in 2000 had similar results to the GSS data. However, these two studies also included data on Hispanics. The first study (1999) showed that 69.7% of whites supported the death penalty compared to 51.0% of blacks and 53.0% of Hispanics; the second study (2000) showed that capital punishment support from whites were at 86.4% with 77.1% from Hispanics and 64.4% from blacks. Race and ethnicity still played a role in the differences, with the black and white difference still being the largest. Interestingly, study #1 did show that the effect of race became insignificant when controlling for attitudes toward police. However, this was a localized survey, and both this and the GSS data need more replication and more studies to explain the results/reasons for the disparity.

 

Article 2: "Perceived Racial and Ethnic Composition of Neighborhood and Perceived Risk of Crime" (222 words)

 

            The study draws mainly from a 1996 survey of 3000 Florida adults, but also includes information from previous works. It tries to answer how the perceived risk of crime is influenced by different factors, such as race/ethnicity, gender, age, income, education, victimization experience, crime rates, perceived crime rates in the US and in the neighborhood, and perceived percentage of blacks/Hispanics living in the neighborhood

            The results show that gender and victimization experience increase the perceived risk, whereas age, income, and education reduces it. The findings also reveal that perceived black and Hispanic populations predict perceived risk of crime for Hispanics living outside of South Florida. However, this is true for whites living within South Florida. For blacks outside of South Florida, perceived Hispanic populations increases perceived risk of crime.

            The explanation for these results come from the idea of social threat. When whites are in South Florida, they feel threatened by the increasingly large numbers of minorities, especially the Hispanics (32% in S. Florida). Here, the Hispanics have gained and continue to gain economic and political power, largely due to the Cuban population. Outside of South Florida, the Hispanic population is less homogenous, and they feel threatened by blacks and other Hispanic ethnicities. Here, the whites are a clear majority and do not feel their position in society is threatened by minorities.

Choua Yang - Soc111 - Crime Quiz

Choua Yang

537 Words

 

Crime Quiz

 

Article 1: "The enduring racial divide in death penalty support" (315 words)

 

Data from the GSS and from a jury pool were used to try to explain why the black and white gap in death penalty support persists over time. Eleven factors (variables) were introduced as explanations for this divide. Among them are socioeconomic status (income, occupation, education), subculture, political ideology, religious orientation, views on right-to-life, social welfare, prejudice/discrimination/racial inequality, experiences with the criminal justice system, fear of crime and victimization experience, punitiveness, and attribution styles.

The GSS data provided trend information from 1972 to 1996. The cumulative data reveals that 72.4% of whites support the death penalty compared to 43.9% of blacks with a statistical significance of p<.0001. Although both white and black support for the death penalty has generally increased over time, the enduring gap still exists (parallel trend between the two). This increasing pattern of support suggests that both whites and blacks respond equally to the same social influences. However, the long-standing gap cannot be explained simply from the data because race remained significant regardless of the introduction of the controls for all eleven mentioned explanations.

The survey of a jury pool conducted in Florida in 1999 and in 2000 had similar results to the GSS data. However, these two studies also included data on Hispanics. The first study (1999) showed that 69.7% of whites supported the death penalty compared to 51.0% of blacks and 53.0% of Hispanics; the second study (2000) showed that capital punishment support from whites were at 86.4% with 77.1% from Hispanics and 64.4% from blacks. Race and ethnicity still played a role in the differences, with the black and white difference still being the largest. Interestingly, study #1 did show that the effect of race became insignificant when controlling for attitudes toward police. However, this was a localized survey, and both this and the GSS data need more replication and more studies to explain the results/reasons for the disparity.

 

Article 2: "Perceived Racial and Ethnic Composition of Neighborhood and Perceived Risk of Crime" (222 words)

 

            The study draws mainly from a 1996 survey of 3000 Florida adults, but also includes information from previous works. It tries to answer how the perceived risk of crime is influenced by different factors, such as race/ethnicity, gender, age, income, education, victimization experience, crime rates, perceived crime rates in the US and in the neighborhood, and perceived percentage of blacks/Hispanics living in the neighborhood

            The results show that gender and victimization experience increase the perceived risk, whereas age, income, and education reduces it. The findings also reveal that perceived black and Hispanic populations predict perceived risk of crime for Hispanics living outside of South Florida. However, this is true for whites living within South Florida. For blacks outside of South Florida, perceived Hispanic populations increases perceived risk of crime.

            The explanation for these results come from the idea of social threat. When whites are in South Florida, they feel threatened by the increasingly large numbers of minorities, especially the Hispanics (32% in S. Florida). Here, the Hispanics have gained and continue to gain economic and political power, largely due to the Cuban population. Outside of South Florida, the Hispanic population is less homogenous, and they feel threatened by blacks and other Hispanic ethnicities. Here, the whites are a clear majority and do not feel their position in society is threatened by minorities.

Crime Quiz

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Best Wishes,

Savannah Corbin

Crime Quiz Resubmission

The first article I chose was " The Burden of Deportation on Children in Mexican Immigrant Families" and this was a study to see how children were affected by their parents being deported back to Mexico. The families studied in this article were from Ohio, where the Mexican community is small, and New Jersey, also relatively small but larger than Ohio's community. In the Ohio community, immigrants are reported to the U.S. Customs and Immigration Enforcement (ICE), for small traffic violations such as running a stop sign. While those in New Jersey are reported to the ICE for more serious offenses, such as driving under the influence. Through the local Catholic Church, she was able to make connections to families who were interested in being interviewed. She had the interviewees choose where they were most comfortable to be interviewed. In her interviews, she also found that in nine of sixteen families, one or both parents were deported back to Mexico.  Some children who lost their father to deportation lost contact with them, because the father is so far away and has been gone for so long. The ex-wives of the men who were deported claimed that their lives changed for the better, because they were no longer abused and they found a man to take care of them and their children. In the New Jersey portion, the author had made previous contacts from families she kept in contact with; she had lived there previously. Contrary to the interviews in Ohio, the interviews in New Jersey were more structured. The questions for the parents ranged from migrant history to effects of deportation on the children; the children were asked about their families and friends at school, the age of the child depended how in depth the questions would be. The results of this portion showed that the families were largely influenced from the fear of deportation in how they lived their lives.

The second article I chose was the " The enduring racial divide in death penalty support," the main focus of this was to measure the difference in how whites and blacks supported the death penalty. Three different surveys were used to collect data from. The tests were "exploratory," meaning that that were not chosen as definite pieces, but supportive. Two of the surveys were jury pools, so this adds a type of credibility due to the experience in the courtroom. The two different races that were specifically studied in this were Blacks and Whites. However, the study also looked at religion, income, political ideology, and urban or suburban living. These factors showed how these values and ways of living influenced the decisions of support for the death penalty. In the aspects of political ideology,  it seemed that conservative Whites had a higher level support of the death penalty over the more liberal minded Blacks. Another finding was that subcultures have an effect on support as well. The white subculture is portrayed as rural and southern in nature, while black subculture is portrayed as defiant and underclass. The results concluded that race had the most significant impact on the support of the death penalty. Meaning that Whites had a higher level of support of it over Blacks.

Valerie: 536

Nolan Dempsey